Metallurgical Evolution in Ancient China

Read this article to learn about the origins of bronze and copper metallurgy in ancient China. After a significant period of stability, the Chinese began to replace its older production methods to produce bronze on an industrial scale.

Notes


  1. More than a dozen stones, including limestone, quartz, sandstone, and jade, were employed for edged weapons in the Hsia and Shang. (For examples recovered from Anyang, see Li Chi, BIHP 23 (1952): 523-526 and 534-535. Wang Chi-huai discusses an early axe fabrication site in KKWW 2000:6, 36-41).
  2. Note that in making a distinction between metalworking (defined as limited-scale hammering, forging, etc.) and metal production, Ursula Franklin ("On Bronze and Other Metals in Early China," 279-296), among others, has emphasized the importance of scale in metallurgy's role in civilization.
  3. See, for example, Yen Wen-ming, 1989, 110-112. In Yünnan, a region of vast copper resources, stone weapons continued to be employed during the early Bronze Age even after primitive axe shapes had appeared, forging and molding were being practiced, and basic alloys were already known. (Yün-nan-sheng Po-wu-kuan, KK 1995:9, 775-787).
  4. Cheng Te-k'un, the chief proponent for indigenous development in his books and articles such as "Metallurgy in Shang China," was seconded by Noel Barnard in an important early review that still retains currency. (In "Review of Prehistoric China, Shang China, China," Barnard argues that piece-mold casting techniques were almost unique to China as metals were worked in the West; smithy practices were few; the lost wax process that predominated in the West did not appear until the end of the Warring States period; binary and then ternary alloys were employed early on; and there is essential continuity with the ceramic tradition. In contrast, An Chih-min, KK 1993:12, 1110-1119, has speculated that ancient trade routes could have played an important but unspecified role. For further discussion see Shang Chih-t'an, WW 1990:9, 48- 55; Li Shui-ch'eng, KKHP 2005:3, 239-278; and Ch'en Hsü, HSLWC, 171-175). It has also long been held that bronze molding techniques evolved to allow the casting of metallic versions of ceramic precursors and that this continuity from ceramic to bronze realizations provides substantial evidence of the indigenous development of metallurgy in China, particularly in the absence of hammering and other smithy techniques. However, a dissenting voice has been raised by John La Plante, EC 13 (1988): 247-273, who claims Chinese molding techniques evolved to facilitate the production of vessels originally fabricated by the hammering and joining of sheet metal. Finally, it was originally believed (and is still sometimes claimed) that Shang bronze casting relied on the lost wax method, but more recent evidence has clearly shown that it didn't appear until sometime in the Warring States period. Furthermore, in his classic article "Yin-tai T'ungch'i," Ch'en Meng-chia (KKHP 1954:7, 36-41) provided an analysis of the evolution of Shang molding techniques that effectively argued that they never employed the lost wax process. His viewpoint was seconded a decade later by Noel Barnard in "Review of Prehistoric China, Shang China, China" and more recently updated by T'an Te-jui, KKHP 1999:2, 211-250, who similarly concluded that the lost wax process didn't evolve until well into the Warring States period. The process was also employed in later times out on the periphery of Chinese civilization. (For example, see Chiang Yü, KK 2008:6, 85-90).
  5. For a discussion of these differences, see Miyake Toshihiko, KK 2005:5, 73-88. Metallurgical traditions also evolved in peripheral cultures such as Hsia-chia-tien in Inner Mongolia, Liaoning, and northern Hebei (1700-1200 BCE); Yüeh-shih (1600-1300); and of course San-hsing-tui, whose technological advances and stylistic elements were the result of complex interactions with the core cultural area coupled with indigenous cultural factors and ore characteristics. (For an analysis of metal developments in Hungshan culture in the northeast that date to about 3000 BCE, see Chu Yung-kang, KKHP 1998:2, 133-152).
  6. For example, in the middle Neolithic some areas seem to have specialized in the production of stone implements despite lacking immediately available resources. (For an example, see Li Hsin-wei, KK 2008:6, 58-68).
  7. In recent years several excavations have been carried out at ancient mining sites, leading to a new appreciation not only of their extensiveness and sophistication, but also of the widely varying ore profile. (For example, see Mei Chien-chün et al., KK 2005:4, 78 ff). Wu Ju-tso, CKKTS 1995:8, 12-20, notes that copper is found naturally intermixed with zinc or lead at numerous small mines around places like Chiao-chou, Kao-mi, An-ch'iu, and Ch'ang-le. Tuan Yü, WW 1996:3, 36-47, describes the low level of tin used in Pa/Shu ritual vessels in comparison with the Shang.
  8. An interesting example of a late Shang and early Chou culture that clearly de-emphasized warfare (as evidenced by tools and hunting implements rather than ritual vessels and weapons predominating) is seen on Yü-huan Island, located 1,000 meters off the Zhejiang coast. (See T'ai-chou-shih Wen-kuan-hui, KK 1996:5, 14-20). The intervening sea not only physically isolated them but also provided a formidable geostrategic barrier.
  9. For example, the analysis of bronze containers from a fourth period Shang tomb (1046 BCE) shows that a high proportion of lead (24-27 percent, in comparison with 55-65 percent copper and only 4-6 percent tin) was employed to allow easier casting of more complex shapes (Chao Ch'un-yen et al., WW 2008:1, 92-94).
  10. For reports on the phenomenon (but little speculation on the causes), see Kuo Yen-li, KKWW 2006:6, 66-73; Tuan Yü, CKKTS 1994:1, 63-70; and Liu Yi-man, KKHP 1995:4, 395- 412. Liu claims that the trend to high-lead-content funerary items and even the use of ceramic versions, reflecting a diminishment in respect for the spirits, is mirrored in a similar shift from sacrificing a large number of victims, up to 1,000 at one time (together with 1,000 cattle and 500 sheep) under Wu Ting to lower amounts under K'ang Ting (200 human victims, 100 cattle, and 100 sheep) and eventually a maximum of 30 human victims under Ti Hsin. (Other explanations are of course possible, including economizing on resources). More broadly, Yang Chü-hua, HCCHS 1999:4, 28-43, envisions a total reorientation in values, with the Shang esteeming spirits, the Chou valuing ritual, and the Warring States seeing a new human orientation that allowed bronze artifacts to become commodities.
  11. Chiu Shih-ching, CKSYC 1992:4, 3-10.
  12. Tuan Yü, HCCHS 2008:6, 3-9. For a general discussion of the techniques at Anyang, see Liu Yü et al., KK 2008:12, 80-90.
  13. For reports see SHYCS An-yang Kung-tso-tui, KKHP 2006:3, 351-384; Yin-hsü Hsiao-mint'un K'ao-ku-tui, KK 2007:1, 14-25; Wang Hsüeh-jung and Ho Yü-ling, KK 2007:1, 54-63; and Li Yung-ti et al., KK 2007:3, 52-63.
  14. For some of these discoveries see P'eng Ming-han, HCCHS 1996:2, 47-52; Chan K'ai-sun and Liu Lin, WW 1995:7, 18, 27-32; and, for a general discussion, Ch'en Liang-tso, HHYC 2:1 (1984): 135-166 and 2:2 (1984): 363-402.
  15. For a discussion of this question see Yen Wen-ming, SCYC 1984:1, 35-44.
  16. Huang Sheng-chang, KKHP 1996:2, 143-164.
  17. For example, T'ang Yün-ming claims that China was already producing wrought iron in the early Shang. (See WW 1975:3, 57-59, and for further discussion Hsia Mai-ling, HCCHS 1986:6, 68-72. For the history of iron in China, see Donald Wagner, Ferrous Metallurgy, or his earlier Iron and Steel in China).
  18. See note 7.
  19. In addition to any specific references, the discussion that follows is primarily based on Li Shui-ch'eng, KKHP 2005:3, 239-278; Pei-ching Kang-t'ieh Hsüeh-yüan Yeh-chin Shih-tsu, KKHP 1981:3, 287-302; Yen Wen-ming, SCYC 1984:1, 35-44; and An Chih-min, KK 1993:12, 1110- 1119.
  20. Pei-ching Kang-t'ieh Hsüeh-yüan Yeh-chin Shih-tsu, KKHP 1981:3, 287-302. To date, the most complete overviews of techniques and products are Lu Ti-min and Wang Ta-yeh, 1998, and Hua Chüeh-ming's massive and highly technical Chung-kuo Ku-tai Chin-shu Chi-shu, 1999.
  21. Shao Wangping, JEAA 2, nos. 1-2 (2000): 195-226.
  22. Yen Wen-ming, SCYC 1984:1, 35-44, and WW 1990:12, 21-26.
  23. Li Hsüeh-ch'in, CKKTS 1995:12, 6-12, and An Chih-min, KK 1993:12, 1110-1119.
  24. Yen Wen-ming, WW 1990:12, 26.
  25. Pei-ching Kang-t'ieh Hsüeh-yüan Yeh-chin Shih-tsu, KKHP 1981:3, 287-302.
  26. This was pointed out by Sun Shuyun and Han Rubin, EC 9-10 (1983-1985): 260-289.
  27. Sun Shu-yün and Han Ju-pin, WW 1997:7, 75-84; Li Hsüeh-ch'in, CKKTS 1995:12, 6-12; and Chang Chih-heng, 1996, 109-112.
  28. Sun Shu-yün and Han Ju-pin, WW 1997:7, 75-84; An Chih-min, KKHP 1981:3, 269-285; An Chih-min, KK 1993:12, 1113. (Ch'i-chia culture is more broadly dated as 2200 to 1600 BCE).
  29. Li Shui-ch'eng, 251-254; An Chih-min, KKHP 1981:3, 269-285; An Chih-min, KK 1996:12, 70-78; and Kung Kuo-ch'iang, KK 1997:9, 7-20. (Arsenic alloys are also known in nearby Russia).
  30. Li Shui-ch'eng, 244-245.
  31. For critical reports on which this discussion is based, see Sun Shu-yün and Han Ju-pin, WW 1997:7, 75-84; Li Shui-ch'eng, 241-245; and Sun Shu-yün and Han Ju-pin, WW 1997:7, 75-84.
  32. Li Shui-ch'eng and Shui T'ao, WW 2000:3, 36-44; Sun Shu-yün et al., WW 2003:8, 86- 96; and Li Shui-ch'eng, KKHP 2005:3, 239-278. Copper/arsenic alloys similarly characterize ten of the eleven items found at Tung-hui-shan even though they date to about 1770 BCE. (See Kan-su-sheng Wen-wu K'ao-ku Yen-chiu-suo, KK 1995:12, 1055-1063. Some were forged, some heat treated or cold quenched after forging).
  33. Li Shui-ch'eng, 256-257.
  34. Li Shui-ch'eng, 263; Li Hsüeh-ch'in, CKKTS 1995:12, 6-12. Wang Hsün, KKWW 1997:3, 61-68, has suggested that the growing Shang threat prompted the Hsia to develop better bronze weapons.
  35. Chin Cheng-yao, WW 2000:1, 56-64, 69. Recognition of lead's properties apparently came last. (Chin also notes a shift in sourcing to Shandong late in the era. Although recognizing that Seima-Turbino and Andronovo developments may have been transmitted through ongoing trade, Chin still argues for radical differentiation).
  36. Sun Shu-yün and Han Ju-pin, WW 1997:7, 75-84.
  37. Chin Cheng-yao et al., KK 1994:8, 744-747, 735.
  38. Ching Cheng-yao et al., WW 2004:7, 76-88.
  39. For Yünnan see Li Shao-ts'en, KKWW 2002:2, 61-67; for the middle Yangtze, Liu Shih-chung et al., KKWW 1994:1, 82-88; for the lower Yangtze, Liu Shih-chung and Lu Pen-shan, KKHP 1998:4, 465-496 and illustrations (discussing a mine that was operated continuously from the middle of the Shang to around the start of the Warring States period); and for Gansu, see Sun Shu-yün and Han Ju-pin, WW 1997:7, 75-84.
  40. See note 7.
  41. Lu Pen-shan and Liu Shih-chung, WW 1997:3, 33-38.
  42. These are the estimates for the mines at Wan-nan down in southern Anhui, where copper, iron, sulfur, and gold are all found. (See Ch'in Ying et al., WW 2002:5, 78-82). According to Liu Shih-chung et al., KKWW 1994:1, 82-88, the middle and the lower Yangtze were prolific production areas that fed smelters located at Anyang and Wu-ch'eng. The extant slag heap around T'unglü-shan amounts to 40,000 tons, and 80,000 tons have been found in the middle Yangtze area.
  43. In addition to references in the discussion about the dagger-axe that follows, see Chao Ch'un-yen et al., WW 2008:1, 92-94.