Regional Trading Blocs
Regional trading blocs have become common in recent decades. They remove trade borders between neighboring countries to expand local markets and bolster trade by streamlining regulations, tariffs, and economic policies. These blocs can also come in the form of customs unions, which essentially create one shared market between several countries and dictate trade policies between countries in the union and those outside it.
The conceptual discussions in this chapter demonstrate
that CUs generally require a much greater degree of policy
coordination among members than do FTAs. This is because they require member countries to agree to a
common external tariff and to set up institutional mechanisms to collect and distribute the tariff revenue. When a
country joins a customs union, it agrees to relinquish
some of its national sovereignty with respect to the formulation and implementation of trade policy. The fact that a
country is willing to surrender such autonomy over trade
policy suggests that it considers this loss to be more than
offset by the economic benefits of securing access to a
larger and more harmonized regional market and of
enhancing the depth and effectiveness of the ongoing
regional integration. The loss of autonomy may also be
acceptable to members because in most cases, CUs are
driven by objectives that go beyond trade, such as economic and monetary unions or even political integration,
and that require supranational institutions.
Ceding the control of some aspects of national trade
policy may yield economic benefits, to the extent that it
shelters the trade policy–making process from the influence of special interests, at least at the national level. Committing to a regionally agreed trade policy regime can
serve as an effective lock-in mechanism for trade reform
efforts and can send a strong signal to investors regarding
the predictability of the policy environment. In some
cases, it may be more practical for a country to delegate
the conduct of trade policy to another (larger) CU member or to a supranational agency. In others, a larger member country can impose its own trade policy or tariff
structure on that of the union. In this case, there may be
grounds for establishing a regional mechanism, such as a
development fund, to compensate other member countries for adopting a tariff structure that is not inherently in
their own economic interests.
It should be noted that the loss of autonomy implied
by a CU also covers certain aspects of national trade policies, going beyond external tariffs. For instance, whereas
FTA members retain full flexibility with regard to future
PTA partners, CU members may be limited in their individual choices for future partners Indeed, membership in
a CU, at least in principle, prevents an individual member
from acting individually, since any agreement with a third
party or any change to the CET needs to be decided by the
CU as a whole. It can be argued that CUs could help prevent the emergence of a hub-and-spokes trading pattern.
In a world of criss-crossing and overlapping trade
agreements, the issue of the loss of autonomy can severely
constrain members of CUs in using trade agreements as an
effective commercial instrument – at least in theory. In the
current wave of regionalism, in which flexibility and speed are valued, membership in a CU, if played by the rules,
could constitute a straitjacket for some countries.
In reality, of course, there are numerous cases in which
a CU member alone negotiates an FTA with a third party.
Examples of such a situation include the FTAs between the
EU and South Africa (a member of SACU) and between
the United States and Bahrain (a member of the GCC).
Similarly, Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and the
República Bolivariana de Venezuela form the Andean Pact
(a CU), while Colombia and the República Bolivariana de
Venezuela have joined with Mexico to make up the Group
of Three, an FTA. In some instances, one CU may overlap
another. For example, Lesotho, Namibia, and Swaziland
belong to COMESA while also belonging to SACU, and
Tanzania is a member of both the SADC and the EAC.
Multiple and overlapping memberships in regional trade
agreements can create difficulties because different groups
can have conflicting operational or liberalization modalities, and so member countries will have to make different,
incompatible commitments. This not only could render
CUs less effective but could also confuse traders (and even
customs officers) as to which commitments or tariff
schedules apply to a particular shipment. Unnecessary
transaction costs will be created because traders are
obliged to find their way around a number of trade
regimes with different tariff schedules, different rules of
origin, and different procedures.