Spain and America

Autonomists in America and Spanish and American liberals grew increasingly dissatisfied with the autocratic government of Fernando VII, which failed to conform to Antiguo Régimen government practice. In March 1820, liberals in Spain forced the king to restore the Constitution of Cádiz. The restoration of constitutional government elicited disparate responses from the American regions. New Spain and the Kingdom of Guatemala enthusiastically reestablished the constitutional system. In the months that followed, they conducted elections for countless constitutional ayuntamientos, provincial deputations, and the Cortes. Political instability in the Peninsula during the previous dozen years, however, convinced many novohispanos that it was prudent to establish an autonomous government within the Spanish Monarchy. They pursued two courses of action. New Spain's deputies to the Cortes of 1821 proposed a project for New World autonomy, which would create three American kingdoms allied with the Peninsula and governed by Spanish princes under the Constitution of 1812. At the same time, fearing that their proposal might be rejected, they organized a movement throughout New Spain to establish an autonomous monarchy under the Constitution of 1812. When the Spanish majority in the Cortes, faced with political, social and economic crises in the Peninsula, rejected their proposal to create autonomous American kingdoms, the leaders of New Spain chose to secede and established the Mexican Empire. Mexico achieved independence not because royalist forces were defeated militarily but because novohispanos no longer supported the Monarchy politically. They convinced royalist military officers who were weary of fighting the insurgency to change sides. Central America also declared independence and joined the newly formed Mexican Empire ³¹.

Emancipation, however, did not initially signify either rejection of the Spanish Monarchy or of Hispanic political traditions, particularly the recent parliamentary experience in the Cortes where novohispanos not only participated with distinction but also played a prominent role in framing the Constitution of 1812. Instead, New Spain's elite proposed to govern at home, while retaining strong ties to the mother country. That fact is clearly demonstrated in the two documents central to the process of independence: the Plan of Iguala, which called for the establishment of a constitutional monarchy with the Spanish king or a member of the royal family as sovereign and which acknowledged the Constitution of 1812 and the statutes enacted by the Hispanic Cortes as the laws of the land, and the Treaty of Córdoba, signed by Juan O'Donojú, the last jefe político superior of New Spain, which ratified the Plan of Iguala and recognized the independence of Mexico. While Agustín de Iturbide subsequently asserted that he alone conceived and executed the Plan of Iguala ³², it is quite clear that the document was based on long held views, was prepared by many individuals, and fulfilled the objectives of New Spain's autonomists, a group which had been seeking home rule since 1808. By 1821 novohispanos generally agreed on the need to establish an autonomous commonwealth within the Spanish Monarchy. It is no accident, therefore, that the Plan of Iguala and the proposal for autonomy, which New Spain's deputies submitted to the Cortes in Madrid, were virtually the same ³³.

Like América Septentrional, in the Río de la Plata and Chile the military did not dominate politics. Because autonomists in the southern cone gained control early and did not face major opposition from royalist forces, civilians were not forced to relinquish power to military leaders. Although Buenos Aires and Santiago experienced partisan conflicts and civil wars during the early years, the region escaped the brutal campaigns waged in northern South America. The Río de la Plata obtained its autonomy and ultimately its independence in 1816 by default; the Spanish Monarchy lacked the resources to mount a campaign to regain control of the area. Similarly, Chile endured only limited combat in the struggle for emancipation and the military forces that liberated the Andean nation in 1818 quickly departed to secure the independence of Peru. As a result, civilians dominated the Chilean government.

In contrast to the rest of America, the independence of northern South America was achieved by military force rather than political compromise. In 1816 the republicans renewed the struggle to take control of Venezuela and New Granada. The restoration of the Hispanic Constitution provided insurgents favoring independence the opportunity to press their campaign to liberate the continent. They accepted the armistice offered by the Cortes in order to strengthen their forces, confident that the Monarchy would not send a new expeditionary army to restore royal order in the region. However, those favoring independence faced strong resistance because large parts of Venezuela, New Granada, Quito, Peru, and Charcas eagerly implemented the restored constitutional system. They elected hundreds of constitutional ayuntamientos, but most were unable to complete elections for provincial deputations and deputies to the Cortes in Madrid because the insurgents violated the truce in 1821 and began a military campaign to bring those areas under their control ³⁴.

The conflict in northern South America enhanced the power of military men. Self-proclaimed generals like Simón Bolívar and former professional soldiers such as José de San Martín gained immense power and prestige as the leaders of the bloody struggles to win independence. Although civilian and clerical institutions – ayuntamientos, courts, parishes, cathedral chapters – continued to function, and although new constitutional governments were formed and congresses elected, military power was dominant. Colombia provides the clearest example of that phenomenon.

Convened by Bolívar in February 1819, the Congress of Angostura legitimized his power and in December created the Republic of Colombia, incorporating Venezuela, New Granada, and Quito. Although a few regions of Venezuela and New Granada possessed representation at Angostura, Quito and the most heavily populated parts of Venezuela and New Granada had none. Later in 1821, the Congress of Cúcuta, pressured by President Bolívar and intimidated by the army, ratified the formation of the Republic of Colombia, again without any representation from Quito. There and in large parts of Venezuela and New Granada the Republic was imposed by force. In contrast to the Hispanic Constitution of 1812, written by a Cortes composed of elected representatives from all parts of the Monarchy – which granted considerable autonomy to the regions via the constitutional ayuntamientos and provincial deputations, restricted the power of the king, and bestowed sovereignty on the legislature – the 1821 Colombian constitution created a highly centralized government and granted vast authority to the president.

Bolívar's actions in the Kingdom of Quito demonstrate his disdain for civilian rule and his willingness to subjugate other independent governments and impose martial law in his drive to expel royalist forces from the continent and consolidate power. Guayaquil declared independence and formed a republican government on October 9, 1820; in the following months, it attempted without success to free the highland provinces of the Kingdom of Quito. Guayaquil subsequently requested help from San Martín and Bolívar in liberating the highlands. A mixed force consisting mainly of local troops, Colombians, and men from San Martín's army, under the command of General Antonio José de Sucre finally defeated the royalist forces in Quito on May 24, 1822, at the Battle of Pinchincha. Bolívar, who arrived from the north in June with more Colombian troops, incorporated the region into the Republic of Colombia despite opposition from both Quito and Guayaquil. Subsequently, Bolívar imposed martial law in the former Kingdom of Quito to impress men as well as to requisition money and supplies for the struggle against the royalists in Peru, the last bastion of royal power in America ³⁵.

Earlier, San Martín landed in Lima in August 1820 with a liberating army composed of Chileans and rioplatenses. Although he controlled the coast, San Martín could not overcome the royalists in the highlands. In an effort to win the loyalty of the population, liberal officers in the royal army forced Viceroy Joaquín de la Pezuela to abdicate on January 29, 1821, implemented the Constitution of 1812 and named General José de la Serna captain general. The constitutionalists reorganized the royal army and nearly drove San Martín's forces from the coast. But divisions within the royalist ranks prevented them from expelling the republican forces.

San Martín who was unable to secure additional resources to pursue the Peruvian campaign ceded the honor of final victory to Bolívar. Although the Colombians arrived in force in 1823, they made little progress. Divisions among Peruvians, shortage of supplies, and strong royalist armies kept them pinned down on the coast. However, the royalists also were divided. In Charcas the absolutist general Pedro Olañeta opposed La Serna and the liberals. After the Constitution of Cádiz was again abolished in 1823, General Olañeta took up arms against the liberals on December 25, 1823. This internecine conflict contributed to the royalists' defeat. For nearly a year, while Bolívar and his men recovered, royalist constitutional and absolutist armies' waged war against each other in the highlands. Ultimately, General Sucre defeated the royalist constitutional army in the decisive battle of Ayacucho on December 9, 1824. Olañeta's absolutist forces, however, remained in control of Charcas. Political intrigue finally settled the struggle. Olañeta was assassinated in April 1825. The death of the absolutist commander marked the end of royal power in Charcas. Subsequently, General Sucre formed the new republic of Bolivia in the territory of the former Audiencia of Charcas. By 1826, when the last royalist forces surrendered, Bolívar dominated northern and central South America as president of Colombia, dictator of Peru, and ruler of Bolivia ³⁶.